Spain’s regional Catalan police force, the Mossos d’Esquadra, has reportedly uncovered a lobbying scheme involving former Spanish Finance Minister Cristóbal Montoro and senior officials at gambling giant Codere.
The investigation, conducted discreetly for years under court supervision in Tarragona, is now drawing national attention.
At the centre of the probe is Montoro’s consultancy, Equipo Económico, which allegedly received payments in return for influencing legislative decisions that benefited major companies – most notably in the gambling and energy sectors.
Investigators claim Codere paid Montoro’s firm €679,000 between 2008 and 2012 as part of a broader scheme aimed at swaying political decisions. According to police sources, the goal was to pressure successive Spanish governments, both from the People’s Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), to introduce gambling legislation favourable to Codere.
One of the more controversial elements involves Rafael Catalá, who served as Justice Minister under PP Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy from 2014 to 2018. During this period, Catalá also held a director position at Codere, raising red flags about potential conflicts of interest. Notably, he had previously worked in the Treasury under Montoro’s earlier term as Finance Minister from 2000 to 2002 under Prime Minister José María Aznar.
The investigation was sparked by a chance discovery – an email intercepted during an unrelated urban corruption case—and an anonymous tip received in 2017. The tip alleged improper ties between Equipo Económico and Codere, and flagged Catalá’s overlapping roles in politics and business.
Since 2018, Tarragona’s courts have been investigating the case under several potential criminal charges, including bribery, fraud, influence peddling, misconduct in public office, corporate corruption, and document forgery.
Codere has yet to comment publicly on the allegations.
The investigation outlines a two-pronged method for dispersing the suspected illicit funds: direct payments to partners at Montoro’s firm, and a web of shell companies with no staff, no premises, and no operational costs. Authorities believe these companies were created to mask the origin and flow of the money, which has been traced across more than ten international jurisdictions, including Ireland and Luxembourg.
Reports from the Mossos d’Esquadra, Spain’s Tax Agency, and the Guardia Civil’s Central Operative Unit (UCO) support the claim that large corporations paid Montoro’s consultancy in exchange for favourable legislation. These payments appear to have risen significantly between 2011 and 2017, a period that coincides with the PP’s return to power.
During that time, an estimated €12 million is believed to have been channelled through seven companies tied to Montoro’s associates.
The case highlights long-standing concerns about the revolving door between public office and private consultancy, especially in heavily regulated industries like gambling. Critics argue that it exposes a broader problem in Spanish politics: how influence and access can be monetised through unofficial lobbying networks.
Montoro stepped down from the PP on 17 July, just ahead of news breaking about his formal indictment. While he has yet to comment fully on the matter, his resignation signals the deepening political consequences of a scandal that continues to involve key figures from recent Spanish administrations. Judicial proceedings remain ongoing, with further disclosures expected as authorities sift through years of accumulated evidence.
